{"id":1855,"date":"2026-05-15T17:12:46","date_gmt":"2026-05-15T21:12:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/?page_id=1855"},"modified":"2026-07-02T11:08:24","modified_gmt":"2026-07-02T15:08:24","slug":"geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/","title":{"rendered":"Geopolitics and Regional Integration in the Bay of Bengal: The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Nexus"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>[et_pb_section fb_built=&#8221;1&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;_initial&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_row _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; custom_padding=&#8221;||0px||false|false&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;4_4&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; link_text_color=&#8221;#666666&#8243; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;]<\/p>\n<div id=\"ez-toc-container\" class=\"ez-toc-v2_0_85 counter-hierarchy ez-toc-counter ez-toc-white ez-toc-container-direction\">\n<div class=\"ez-toc-title-container\">\n<p class=\"ez-toc-title ez-toc-toggle\" style=\"cursor:pointer\">Contents<\/p>\n<span class=\"ez-toc-title-toggle\"><a href=\"#\" class=\"ez-toc-pull-right ez-toc-btn ez-toc-btn-xs ez-toc-btn-default ez-toc-toggle\" aria-label=\"Toggle Table of Content\"><span class=\"ez-toc-js-icon-con\"><span class=\"\"><span class=\"eztoc-hide\" style=\"display:none;\">Toggle<\/span><span class=\"ez-toc-icon-toggle-span\"><svg style=\"fill: #999;color:#999\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" class=\"list-377408\" width=\"20px\" height=\"20px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" fill=\"none\"><path d=\"M6 6H4v2h2V6zm14 0H8v2h12V6zM4 11h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2zM4 16h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2z\" fill=\"currentColor\"><\/path><\/svg><svg style=\"fill: #999;color:#999\" class=\"arrow-unsorted-368013\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" width=\"10px\" height=\"10px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" version=\"1.2\" baseProfile=\"tiny\"><path d=\"M18.2 9.3l-6.2-6.3-6.2 6.3c-.2.2-.3.4-.3.7s.1.5.3.7c.2.2.4.3.7.3h11c.3 0 .5-.1.7-.3.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7zM5.8 14.7l6.2 6.3 6.2-6.3c.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7c-.2-.2-.4-.3-.7-.3h-11c-.3 0-.5.1-.7.3-.2.2-.3.5-.3.7s.1.5.3.7z\"\/><\/svg><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/div>\n<nav><ul class='ez-toc-list ez-toc-list-level-1 eztoc-toggle-hide-by-default' ><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-1\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#Geopolitics_and_Regional_Integration_in_the_Bay_of_Bengal_The_Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar_Nexus\" >Geopolitics and Regional Integration in the Bay of Bengal: The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Nexus<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-4' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-4'><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-4' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-2\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#Abstract\" >Abstract<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-3\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#Introduction\" >Introduction<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-4\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#II_Geopolitics_and_Regional_Integration\" >II. Geopolitics and Regional Integration<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-5\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#III_Strategic_Geography_Great-Power_Competition_Security_Challenges_and_Connectivity_Prospects\" >III. Strategic Geography, Great-Power Competition, Security Challenges, and Connectivity Prospects<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-6\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#IV_Closing_Thoughts\" >IV. Closing Thoughts<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-4'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-7\" href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/#Notes\" >Notes<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul><\/nav><\/div>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Geopolitics_and_Regional_Integration_in_the_Bay_of_Bengal_The_Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar_Nexus\"><\/span>Geopolitics and Regional Integration in the Bay of Bengal: The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Nexus<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][et_pb_code _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.6&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;]<\/p>\n<div class=\"single-top-bar\"><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    <\/p>\n<ul class=\"top-bar-menu\"><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->        <\/p>\n<li><a href=\"#contents\" style=\"color:#333333 !important; font-weight:900 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dashicons dashicons-chart-bar\"><\/span> <span class=\"post-views-label\">Post Views:<\/span> <span class=\"post-views-count\">214<\/span>\r\n\t\t\t<\/div><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->            <\/span><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->        <\/li>\n<p><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    <\/ul>\n<p><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] --><\/div>\n<p><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] --><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] --><\/p>\n<style><!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->.a2a_kit {<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    display: inline-flex !important;<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    flex-direction: row !important;<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    align-items: center !important;<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->}<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->.a2a_kit a {<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->    display: inline-block !important;<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] -->}<!-- [et_pb_line_break_holder] --><\/style>\n<p>[\/et_pb_code][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; link_text_color=&#8221;#666666&#8243; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>Open Access | First published online June 2026 | <span>ISSN: 3066-8336 |<\/span> <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.63470\/AIPW1355\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.63470\/AIPW1355<\/a><\/p>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;4_4&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=&#8221;1_2,1_2&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; custom_margin=&#8221;-25px||||false|false&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;1_2&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; custom_margin=&#8221;8px||8px||false|false&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"line-height: .1;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/mohammad-aynal-haque-2\/\"><b>Mohammad Aynal Haque<\/b><\/a><\/p>\n<p><span>Assistant Professor, Department of Interdisciplinary Arts &amp; Sciences, Montana Technological University<\/span><\/p>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=&#8221;1_2&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=&#8221;2_3,1_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; custom_padding=&#8221;21px|||||&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;2_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; text_font=&#8221;&#8211;et_global_body_font||||||||&#8221; custom_margin=&#8221;-45px||-8px||false|false&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;]<\/p>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Abstract\"><\/span><strong>Abstract<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>This study examines how geopolitical competition, security dynamics, and institutional frameworks shape regional integration in the Bay of Bengal, with the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relationship as its central case. Drawing on qualitative analysis of primary and secondary sources, we argue that while Bangladesh and Myanmar occupy positions of genuine strategic significance at the South Asia\u2013Southeast Asia interface, their bilateral relationship has been structurally hollowed out by competing great-power pressures, the unresolved Rohingya refugee crisis, and chronically weak border governance. India\u2013China rivalry has produced infrastructure investment in both countries while simultaneously discouraging direct bilateral engagement between them\u2014 an ironic dynamic in which external competition funds connectivity while foreclosing cooperation. Regional institutional frameworks, particularly the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the now-dormant Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor, offer underutilized pathways for integration, though their effectiveness is constrained by overlapping mandates and uneven political commitment. We conclude that sustainable regional integration in the Bay of Bengal depends less on geographic proximity\u2014already a given\u2014than on resolving the political and security conditions that prevent Bangladesh and Myanmar from functioning as genuine partners rather than parallel clients of larger powers.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Keywords:<\/strong>Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relations, Bay of Bengal, Geopolitics, Regional integration<\/p>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Introduction\"><\/span><strong>Introduction<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>The Bay of Bengal has re-emerged as one of the Indo-Pacific\u2019s most consequential strategic spaces. Straddling the maritime routes connecting South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the broader Indian Ocean system, it carries an expanding volume of international trade, energy shipments, and regional commerce. Geopolitical competition among regional powers has intensified alongside this economic significance, drawing renewed attention from scholars of international relations, regional integration, and security studies.<a href=\"#_edn1\" name=\"_ednref1\"><span>[1]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Within this evolving landscape, the relationship between Bangladesh and Myanmar presents an instructive and underexamined case. Geographically, both countries occupy the northern and eastern littoral of the Bay of Bengal, demarcating the transitional zone between South Asia and Southeast Asia.<a href=\"#_edn2\" name=\"_ednref2\"><span>[2]<\/span><\/a> Their shared maritime and land boundaries, complementary port infrastructure, and proximity to major sea lanes would seem to position them as natural partners in regional connectivity. Yet the bilateral relationship has remained remarkably thin\u2014characterized by cautious diplomacy, weak institutional collaboration, and recurrent mistrust rooted in border disputes, unresolved humanitarian crises, and domestic political turbulence.<a href=\"#_edn3\" name=\"_ednref3\"><span>[3]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The explanation for this gap between geographic potential and political reality lies, we argue, in a specific structural dynamic: both Bangladesh and Myanmar have been pulled into the strategic orbits of larger powers\u2014India and China respectively\u2014in ways that have oriented their foreign policies outward and upward rather than laterally toward each other. The result is that regional infrastructure investment has increased substantially while genuine bilateral cooperation has not kept pace. The Rohingya refugee crisis, which has displaced over a million people into Bangladesh since 2017, has further entrenched mistrust at precisely the moment when cooperation would be most consequential. Myanmar\u2019s 2021 military coup and the ensuing civil conflict have added further uncertainty, raising serious questions about that country\u2019s capacity to function as a reliable partner in any regional framework for the foreseeable future.<\/p>\n<p>Several multilateral frameworks\u2014the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), BIMSTEC, and the BCIM Economic Corridor\u2014nominally provide platforms for dialogue and cooperation. Bangladesh is a founding SAARC member; Myanmar is an ASEAN member; both belong to BIMSTEC and the BCIM framework. Yet membership has not translated into momentum, and the BCIM in particular has effectively stalled following India\u2019s withdrawal and China\u2019s strategic pivot toward the bilateral China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC).<\/p>\n<p>Existing scholarship tends to address either bilateral issues\u2014border disputes, the Rohingya crisis\u2014or regional organizations in isolation, leaving underexplored the question of how geopolitical competition, security constraints, and institutional architecture interact to shape the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relationship within the broader Bay of Bengal system.<a href=\"#_edn4\" name=\"_ednref4\"><span>[4]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>This study addresses that gap. We ask two questions: first, how do geopolitical and security dynamics constrain or enable regional integration between Bangladesh and Myanmar; and second, what role does the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus play\u2014or fail to play\u2014in shaping broader regional cooperation in the Bay of Bengal?<\/p>\n<p>The article proceeds as follows. Section II reviews the relevant literature on regional integration and regionalism across South and Southeast Asia. Section III presents our findings across four thematic domains: strategic geography, great-power competition, security challenges, and connectivity prospects. Section IV draws conclusions and identifies directions for future research.<strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: .1;\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"II_Geopolitics_and_Regional_Integration\"><\/span><strong>II. Geopolitics and Regional Integration<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Regional integration among Asian countries has been characterized by a complex political and institutional landscape infused by diverse governance systems, historical legacies, and geopolitical interests. Countries in South and Southeast Asia demonstrate a wide variety of political systems, ranging from monarchies to democratic regimes and from military-authoritarian governments to rule-of-law-based systems. For many years, cooperation and collaboration across the Bay of Bengal countries remained very limited due to colonial legacies, historical contexts of independence, ideological differences, and interstate tensions. Nonetheless, increasing globalization, trade, and economic interdependence have encouraged regional cooperation through bilateral agreements and multilateral organizations.<a href=\"#_edn5\" name=\"_ednref5\"><span>[5]<\/span><\/a> The 1985 establishment of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the 1967 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) represent two key institutional efforts aiming at promoting political dialogue and economic integration across countries within these regions.<\/p>\n<p>Both SAARC and ASEAN pursue regional cooperation, yet their institutional formations differ significantly. SAARC focuses on formal institutional collaboration and economic cooperation. On the other hand, ASEAN maintains the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs and consensus-based decision-making.<a href=\"#_edn6\" name=\"_ednref6\"><span>[6]<\/span><\/a> ASEAN has been successful in maintaining institutional cohesion and promoting economic cooperation, whereas SAARC has been coupled with institutional limitations while advancing regional integration.<a href=\"#_edn7\" name=\"_ednref7\"><span>[7]<\/span><\/a> Differences in their institutional principles reflect broader variations in their interactions across the two regions. Despite the institutional differences in respective organizations, both SAARC and ASEAN have served as important platforms for promoting regional dialogue and cooperation in these countries.<\/p>\n<p>Besides SAARC and ASEAN, several other regional initiatives were formed to strengthen cooperation in the Bay of Bengal region. BIMSTEC, the BCIM Economic Corridor, and the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC) are notable frameworks designed to promote connectivity and economic cooperation between South and Southeast Asia.<a href=\"#_edn8\" name=\"_ednref8\"><span>[8]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>BIMSTEC\u2019s focus on economic, energy, and security issues has offered potential to the member states in the strategic Bay of Bengal region. Due to SAARC\u2019s institutional limitations, BIMSTEC\u2019s importance has received sustained attention in promoting deeper regional integration between the two regions.<a href=\"#_edn9\" name=\"_ednref9\"><span>[9]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Studies elaborate on the potential for increased trade and connectivity between Bangladesh and Myanmar, indicating that improved bilateral relations and free-trade engagement could expand cross-border commerce through improved transport linkages, port accesses, and border-trade facilitation.<a href=\"#_edn10\" name=\"_ednref10\"><span>[10]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>This connectivity could increase the movement of agricultural commodities, fisheries products, natural resources, and manufactured goods across Bangladesh, Myanmar, eastern India, and southwestern China.<a href=\"#_edn11\" name=\"_ednref11\"><span>[11]<\/span><\/a> In this regard, comparative trade-flow analysis, along with estimates of trade opportunities under reduced or non-tariffs, could help evaluate prospective trade volumes. Improved inland infrastructure and maritime connectivity through deep seaports of the two countries could serve as a gateway from Eastern States of India to the Kunming region of China expanding the regional and international trade and commerce, promoting broader regional and economic cooperation.<a href=\"#_edn12\" name=\"_ednref12\"><span>[12]<\/span><\/a> The BCIM initiative aimed to improve transportation infrastructure and trade routes linking Southwestern China with Myanmar, Bangladesh, and India, facilitating trade, investment, and economic development across the region with nearly three billion people.<a href=\"#_edn13\" name=\"_ednref13\"><span>[13]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>The Trans-Asian Road network has been a key initiative to connect the broader region within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and revival of the historic Silk Road, to strengthen cross-border connectivity, trade facilitation, and economic integration across Asia.<a href=\"#_edn14\" name=\"_ednref14\"><span>[14]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Earlier studies on regional integration in the Bay of Bengal note Myanmar\u2019s potential role to be a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia.<a href=\"#_edn15\" name=\"_ednref15\"><span>[15]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>Scholars suggest that its closer engagement with South Asian regional institutions could facilitate broader economic and political integration between SAARC and ASEAN.<a href=\"#_edn16\" name=\"_ednref16\"><span>[16]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>Also, Myanmar\u2019s gradual democratic transition during the late 2010s was perceived as political liberalization and as a doorway to engage in regional cooperation.<a href=\"#_edn17\" name=\"_ednref17\"><span>[17]<\/span><\/a> Abundant natural resources\u2014natural gas, timber, fisheries, and agricultural land\u2014combined with geographic proximity to the vast ocean trade routes in the Bay of Bengal strengthened the argument that it could play a strategic role in regional cooperation.<a href=\"#_edn18\" name=\"_ednref18\"><span>[18]<\/span><\/a> India\u2019s growing interest in engaging with Myanmar with major policies\u2014\u201cLook East\u201d and later \u201cAct East\u201d\u2014suggest that India seeks to strengthen strategic and economic cooperation with ASEAN countries through Myanmar.<a href=\"#_edn19\" name=\"_ednref19\"><span>[19]<\/span><\/a> India\u2019s initiative as the major regional power in South Asia indicates the strategic importance of Myanmar, a gateway connecting South and Southeast Asia in the broader Indo-Pacific region.<a href=\"#_edn20\" name=\"_ednref20\"><span>[20]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>From a borderland and transitional networks study perspective, the Bangladesh-Myanmar border region receives special attention. The border has been a demarcation between South Asia and Southeast Asia, separating the \u201cSAARC world\u201d and the \u201cASEAN world.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn21\" name=\"_ednref21\"><span>[21]<\/span><\/a> The border areas have historically received limited international attention, leading to \u201clazy assumptions\u201d about the dynamics of the region.<a href=\"#_edn22\" name=\"_ednref22\"><span>[22]<\/span><\/a> But the border area, due to its rugged mountainous terrain and proximity to the \u201cGolden Triangle,\u201d has long been characterized by complex socio-economic interactions such as informal trade, drug trafficking, smuggling networks, and cross-border migration.<sup>3, <a href=\"#_edn23\" name=\"_ednref23\"><span>[23]<\/span><\/a><\/sup> These dynamics combined with the Rohingya refugee crisis present significant challenges for political and economic integration between the two countries.<\/p>\n<p>Forced displacement of Rohingya populations from time to time has created significant political, economic, and security challenges for both countries.<a href=\"#_edn24\" name=\"_ednref24\"><span>[24]<\/span><\/a> Humanitarian and security concerns caused by the Rohingya refugee crisis have created major obstacles in the bilateral diplomatic relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar. The Rohingya crisis has been a critical security issue influencing regional stability and engagement in the Bay of Bengal.<a href=\"#_edn25\" name=\"_ednref25\"><span>[25]<\/span><\/a><sup>,<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>For many years, Bangladesh has been perceived as belonging to India\u2019s strategic sphere, while Myanmar has largely aligned with China, leading both countries to orient their foreign policies more closely with their respective neighbors, India and China.<a href=\"#_edn26\" name=\"_ednref26\"><span>[26]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>At the same time, both India and China, as major regional powers, seek to project their influence in the region and maintain Bangladesh and Myanmar within their strategic orbit by providing diplomatic and political support at both national and international levels.<a href=\"#_edn27\" name=\"_ednref27\"><span>[27]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>This partial yet controlling support from the two major powers has discouraged deeper bilateral cooperation between Bangladesh and Myanmar, often resulting in the two neighboring states prioritizing their relations with larger powers rather than strengthening cooperation with each other.<a href=\"#_edn28\" name=\"_ednref28\"><span>[28]<\/span><\/a> Recently, diplomatic and military cooperation between the United States and Bangladesh has become a matter of concern for both India and China, further highlighting the strategic importance of Bangladesh\u2019s geographic location in regional geopolitics.<a href=\"#_edn29\" name=\"_ednref29\"><span>[29]<\/span><\/a> The United States\u2019 motivation to expand its strategic presence in South Asia through closer engagement with Bangladesh in turn adds another layer of competition and strategic pressure for both India and China in the region.<a href=\"#_edn30\" name=\"_ednref30\"><span>[30]<\/span><\/a> Therefore, the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus could provide a solid foundation for enhancing regional connectivity and cooperation instead of competition, especially in the context of geopolitics and regional integration in the Bay of Bengal.<\/p>\n<p>Despite geostrategic importance and academic interest in regional integration, broader geopolitical dynamics, and humanitarian challenges, relatively few studies examine the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relationship within the broader geopolitical context of the Bay of Bengal. Much of the existing research focuses either on bilateral issues such as border disputes and the Rohingya crisis, or regional organizations such as SAARC and ASEAN separately. Thus, a crucial gap remains in understanding how geopolitical competition, security challenges, and regional institutional frameworks collectively influence the role of the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus within broader regional integration processes. In this study, we examine the role of geopolitics and regional integration in the Bay of Bengal, with a particular focus on Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relations. We explain how the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus can influence regional cooperation and connectivity between South Asia and Southeast Asia.<\/p>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><strong><\/strong><\/h4>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"III_Strategic_Geography_Great-Power_Competition_Security_Challenges_and_Connectivity_Prospects\"><\/span><strong>III. Strategic Geography, Great-Power Competition, Security Challenges, and Connectivity Prospects<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p><strong><em>At the Crossroads of South and Southeast Asia: The Strategic Location of Bangladesh and Myanmar<\/em><\/strong><br \/>Within the Bay of Bengal maritime setting\u2014a central position in the geopolitical and economic landscape of the Indo-Pacific region with increasing maritime commerce and energy flows\u2014both Bangladesh and Myanmar hold strategically significant positions along the northern and eastern littoral of the Bay. Their geographic proximity brings them to the intersection of South Asia and Southeast Asia, enabling them to perform as the potential gateways for cross-regional trade, commerce, and connectivity. Bangladesh\u2019s major ports\u2014Chittagong and Mongla\u2014alongside Myanmar\u2019s ports, including Yangon and Kyaukphyu, serve as important nodes in emerging regional logistics and maritime networks,<a href=\"#_edn31\" name=\"_ednref31\"><span>[31]<\/span><\/a> connecting major sea lanes traversing the Bay and linking the Indian Ocean to the Strait of Malacca.<a href=\"#_edn32\" name=\"_ednref32\"><span>[32]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>These coastal infrastructures have attracted regional and global actors looking to expand trade routes and enhance connectivity across the Bay.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to their role in maritime commerce, both countries have high potential to benefit from the natural resources in the Bay of Bengal region, which contains significant offshore reserves of hydrocarbons\u2014natural gas and oil\u2014fishing grounds, and seabed minerals. These resources are believed to have developed through sediment deposits carried over thousands of years by major river systems originating in the Himalayas.<a href=\"#_edn33\" name=\"_ednref33\"><span>[33]<\/span><\/a> The peaceful resolution of the maritime boundary dispute between Bangladesh and Myanmar under the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) in 2012 signified a critical step in reducing bilateral tensions in maritime domains and enabling both countries to conduct resource exploration.<a href=\"#_edn34\" name=\"_ednref34\"><span>[34]<\/span><\/a> Since then, the Bay of Bengal has been an emerging resource frontier with importance as a transit corridor.<\/p>\n<p>However, the strategic potential of Bangladesh and Myanmar to connect South Asia and Southeast Asia is only partially realized. Limited infrastructural connection, cautious bilateral engagement, and broader geopolitical and security constraints\u2014further intensified by the Rohingya refugee crisis\u2014have hindered the full utilization of their strategic potential. As the trade corridors in the Bay of Bengal gain prominence within the Indo-Pacific maritime framework, the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus is more likely to play an increasingly important role in influencing the region\u2019s evolving geopolitical and economic landscape. Nonetheless, the realization of the potential of that nexus is dependent on the competition and geopolitics between two regional giants\u2014China and India.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Between Regional Giants: India-China Competition and the Geopolitics in the Bay of Bengal<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Within the broader Indo-Pacific strategic landscape, the Bay of Bengal has emerged as a critical focal point of geopolitical competition among regional powers, namely India and China. Since both countries seek to expand their strategic and economic influence, they engage in various infrastructure and connectivity development projects in neighboring countries.<a href=\"#_edn35\" name=\"_ednref35\"><span>[35]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>This growing competition has positioned Bangladesh and Myanmar at the center of these evolving dynamics due to their strategic geographic locations.<\/p>\n<p>China\u2019s expansive presence in the Bay of Bengal is reflected in its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through the BRI, China aims to enhance connectivity between mainland China and global markets, relying on infrastructure development and economic corridors. Both Bangladesh and Myanmar play central roles in China\u2019s regional connectivity strategy through major projects such as China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and the development of the deep-sea port at Kyaukphyu in Myanmar, along with infrastructure development and port development at Chittagong and Payra in Bangladesh. The proposed BCIM Economic corridor linking Kunming province of China with West Bengal province of India via Bangladesh and Myanmar suggests another key initiative for regional connectivity. These projects would provide China with direct access to the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean. Thus, these projects would reduce China\u2019s reliance on maritime routes passing through the Strait of Malacca and strengthening its strategic presence in the Bay of Bengal region.<a href=\"#_edn36\" name=\"_ednref36\"><span>[36]<\/span><\/a> Besides the infrastructure investments, China\u2019s engagement with Bangladesh and Myanmar includes energy cooperation, pipeline projects, and economic assistance, further tightening its influence.<\/p>\n<p>In response, India has increased its engagement with Myanmar through its \u201cAct East Policy,\u201d focusing on strengthening economic and strategic ties with Southeast Asia. Key connectivity initiatives like the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway and the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project are set to enhance regional integration and improve connectivity between India\u2019s Northeastern States and Southeast Asian countries.<a href=\"#_edn37\" name=\"_ednref37\"><span>[37]<\/span><\/a> In Bangladesh, being a major bilateral and strategic partner, India has increased its investment in various sectors, including energy, transportation, and port development. Due to the strategic location of Bangladesh, India has invested in several connectivity projects like the Kolkata-Dhaka-Agartala rail line and the Maitree Setu (Friendship Bridge) on the Feni River to connect its Northeastern States. These projects in Bangladesh and Myanmar reflect India\u2019s broader efforts to counterbalance China\u2019s growing influence in the region.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond its strategic balancing role, India possesses the potential to strengthen Bangladesh-Myanmar relations, especially in addressing issues like the Rohingya crisis. Due to its sustained diplomatic engagement with both countries, India\u2014a close ally of Bangladesh and with increasing cooperation with Myanmar under its \u201cAct East\u201d policy and initiatives such as the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project\u2014could play an influential role in creating a practical framework for trilateral cooperation. Such cooperation could gradually reduce mistrust and build confidence, leading to conditions conducive to Rohingya repatriation, and subsequently, to broader regional integration.<a href=\"#_edn38\" name=\"_ednref38\"><span>[38]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Within this competitive geopolitical landscape, both Bangladesh and Myanmar have emerged as increasingly important actors. Their strategic locations along the northern and eastern coasts of the Bay of Bengal, combined with their expanding economies and maritime infrastructure, have attracted significant attention from both India and China. Bangladesh has simultaneously maintained close economic and strategic ties with both China and India through infrastructure, energy, and port development projects, pursuing a strategy of balancing relations between the two major powers.<a href=\"#_edn39\" name=\"_ednref39\"><span>[39]<\/span><\/a> Similarly, Myanmar has navigated its complex relationships with both China and India.<a href=\"#_edn40\" name=\"_ednref40\"><span>[40]<\/span><\/a> Myanmar has been engaged with India, China and other regional actors in an effort to diversify its external relations and strategic dependence on China.<\/p>\n<p>The balancing strategies of both countries are shaped by their domestic governance conditions. Bangladesh\u2019s centralized administrative structure within an evolving democratic framework characterized by intense party polarization, highly contested electoral processes, and occasional governance disruptions significantly influence the policy continuity and external engagement. In contrast, Myanmar\u2019s prolonged military dominance, particularly the institutionalized role of the Tatmadaw in political decision-making, has resulted in a constrained diplomacy, even in its strategic engagement with the regional powers.<a href=\"#_edn41\" name=\"_ednref41\"><span>[41]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>These domestic governance conditions of both countries, in turn, influence how Bangladesh and Myanmar engage with China and India.<\/p>\n<p>The dynamic of external influences by China and India has significant implications for the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus. The competing strategic interests of China and India have often led both Bangladesh and Myanmar to prioritize relations with larger powers over deepening bilateral ties and cooperation with each other. This has produced limited bilateral engagement between Bangladesh and Myanmar despite full potential for geographic and economic integration. On the other hand, the involvement of external powers has created opportunities for domestic infrastructure, energy, and regional connectivity projects, potentially benefiting both countries and leading to economic integration across the Bay of Bengal. However, the realization of these opportunities depends on how Bangladesh and Myanmar navigate issues of domestic political instability, border security, and the Rohingya refugee crisis in the realm of geopolitical competition across the Bay of Bengal.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Borders of Insecurity: The Rohingya Crisis and Transnational Security Challenges<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Security dynamics along the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar border represent one of the most significant impediments to bilateral cooperation and broader regional integration in the Bay of Bengal. Despite their economic potential and geographic ties, the relationship between these two countries has been characterized by humanitarian crises, cross-border insecurity, bilateral mistrust, and weak border governance. The Rohingya refugee crisis emerges as the most critical factor shaping their bilateral relations and regional stability.<\/p>\n<p>The Rohingya, a Muslim minority group primarily living in Myanmar\u2019s Rakhine State, became stateless constitutionally following the 1982 Citizenship Law, which excluded them from the list of ethnic groups recognized in Myanmar.<a href=\"#_edn42\" name=\"_ednref42\"><span>[42]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>Periodic waves of violence and military persecution in Rakhine State have forced the Rohingya people to flee across the border into Bangladesh. The first known Rohingya refugee crossed the border in 1978, after the Ne Win government denied their citizenship rights in 1974.<a href=\"#_edn43\" name=\"_ednref43\"><span>[43]<\/span><\/a> With relief operations coordinated by the United Nations and UNHCR, both governments agreed to repatriate these \u00e9migr\u00e9s in 1992.<a href=\"#_edn44\" name=\"_ednref44\"><span>[44]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>However, the most significant influx occurred after the 2017 insurgency attack on a military patrol post in Arakan by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).<a href=\"#_edn45\" name=\"_ednref45\"><span>[45]<\/span><\/a> Consequently, the Myanmar military\u2019s torment and harassment of the Rohingya people led to mass exoduses crossing the border into Bangladesh. Currently, over a million Rohingya refugees are staying in various camps in the Cox\u2019s Bazar region. This mass displacement has created significant humanitarian, economic, and security burdens on Bangladesh, intensifying diplomatic tensions between these neighboring countries.<a href=\"#_edn46\" name=\"_ednref46\"><span>[46]<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The prolonged large presence of refugees has created issues associated with social stability, resource constraints, and potential radicalization, complicating domestic governance and regional security cooperation. Since 2017, several bilateral discussions aimed at repatriating the Rohingya refugees have produced no successful result. Political mistrust, security concerns in Rakhine State, and the absence of sustainable conditions have posed persistent setbacks to the repatriation process. The Rohingya crisis thus continues to be the most prominent impediment to building mutual trust between Bangladesh and Myanmar.<\/p>\n<p>Besides the Rohingya issue, the 267-kilometer Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar border region is characterized by a number of transnational security challenges. The rugged and mountainous terrain is difficult to monitor effectively,<a href=\"#_edn47\" name=\"_ednref47\"><span>[47]<\/span><\/a> leaving this area susceptible to various smuggling groups and drug-trafficking networks. These geographic environments have historically facilitated illicit cross-border activities including narcotics smuggling, arms trafficking, and human trafficking. The proximity to the \u201cGolden Triangle\u201d\u2014one of the world\u2019s most notorious narcotics production zones, ranging across the Myanmar-Thailand-Laos border regions\u2014further exacerbates these issues, rendering the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar borders a significant transit route for illicit drugs.<sup>34<\/sup> Most of the narcotics trafficking originates in Myanmar\u2019s border regions linked to the Golden Triangle, whereas Bangladesh serves as a transit corridor through which drugs are transported toward domestic markets, northeastern India, and wider regional destinations in other South and Southeast Asian countries.<a href=\"#_edn48\" name=\"_ednref48\"><span>[48]<\/span><\/a><sup><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The criminal activities of transnational networks are intertwined with broader regional security dynamics, including insurgent activities in northeastern India and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh.<a href=\"#_edn49\" name=\"_ednref49\"><span>[49]<\/span><\/a> Weak institutional coordination and border security management across Bangladesh, Myanmar, and India have effectively hindered appropriate responses to these challenges, breeding mutual mistrust and lessening the scope for deeper political and economic cooperation.<\/p>\n<p>Domestic political environments in both countries further complicate bilateral diplomacy. The military takeover of 2021 and the internal conflicts that have followed in Myanmar, as well as the international isolation of the ruling entity, have created further uncertainty regarding Myanmar\u2019s ability to engage constructively in diplomatic discussions and regional cooperation.<a href=\"#_edn50\" name=\"_ednref50\"><span>[50]<\/span><\/a> The domestic political events in Bangladesh, especially in 2024, have diverted the interim government\u2019s attention toward holding elections rather than continuing bilateral cooperation with Myanmar in resolving issues including the Rohingya crisis. For both countries, these issues pose significant challenges to political and economic cooperation, pushing them further apart rather than enabling them to utilize the full potential of their trade, infrastructure, and connectivity corridors.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Corridors of Opportunity: Trade, Infrastructure, and Connectivity Prospects<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Historically, prior to the 1947 India-Pakistan partition and Myanmar\u2019s emergence as a nation-state in 1948, there had been economic cooperation and people\u2019s movement across the region from Kolkata to Chittagong to Rangoon. However, economic cooperation between Bangladesh and Myanmar has been limited, despite some institutional efforts including the General Trade Agreement of 1973 and border trade agreements in the 1980s and 1990s.<a href=\"#_edn51\" name=\"_ednref51\"><span>[51]<\/span><\/a><sup> <\/sup>Structural constraints such as limited infrastructure, poor transport systems, and Myanmar\u2019s earlier economic isolation have been major impediments to bilateral trade growth. Thus, the volumes of trade and economic activity between Bangladesh and Myanmar have remained modest relative to their engagements with other regional partners.<\/p>\n<p>In recent years, however, attention on regional connectivity\u2014especially from India\u2019s and China\u2019s perspectives\u2014has opened new horizons of opportunity for economic cooperation between Bangladesh and Myanmar. Connectivity initiatives such as the BCIM Economic Corridor, incentivized by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and India\u2019s \u201cAct East\u201d policy to connect with Southeast Asian nations via Myanmar highlight the potential for integrating transportation networks across South and Southeast Asia. These frameworks are designed to facilitate the movement of goods, services, and investments across a vast region linking Southwestern China with Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Eastern India.<a href=\"#_edn52\" name=\"_ednref52\"><span>[52]<\/span><\/a> Improved road, rail, and port connectivity could significantly increase the volume of cross-border trade and regional supply chains serving more than three billion people.<\/p>\n<p>Maritime connectivity offers a key area of opportunity for economic integration. Ports in Bangladesh\u2014Chittagong, Mongla, and Payra\u2014and ports in Myanmar such as Yangon and Kyaukphyu represent complementary advantages for expanding regional trade networks. Improved port connectivity and shipping routes across the Bay of Bengal could further facilitate trade flows across South Asia, Southeast Asia, and Yunnan Province of China. In this regard, the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus has the potential to serve as important transit hubs within the broader Indo-Pacific trade architecture.<a href=\"#_edn53\" name=\"_ednref53\"><span>[53]<\/span><\/a><sup><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Regional frameworks like BIMSTEC further strengthen the prospects for connectivity-driven cooperation between South and Southeast Asia.<a href=\"#_edn54\" name=\"_ednref54\"><span>[54]<\/span><\/a> With its focus on sectors like transport, energy, and trade facilitation, BIMSTEC offers an institutional platform to advance infrastructure development and economic integration across the Bay of Bengal region.<a href=\"#_edn55\" name=\"_ednref55\"><span>[55]<\/span><\/a> As members of BIMSTEC, both Bangladesh and Myanmar, due to their strategic geographic locations, could benefit from ongoing and proposed initiatives while strengthening regional connectivity.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond infrastructure and trade, the Bay of Bengal\u2019s resource potential provides further opportunities for economic collaboration. Offshore energy resources\u2014oil and gas\u2014along with fisheries and maritime industries offer avenues for joint development and investment. The 2012 maritime boundary resolution between these two countries has created a more stable foundation for exploring these opportunities and enhancing cooperation in maritime economic sectors.<a href=\"#_edn56\" name=\"_ednref56\"><span>[56]<\/span><\/a><sup><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Economic cooperation and connectivity initiatives represent a viable pathway for strengthening the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus and laying the foundation for broader regional integration in the Bay of Bengal. By leveraging their strategic geographic advantages and actively participating in regional frameworks like the BCIM and BIMSTEC, both Bangladesh and Myanmar possess the potential to transform existing networks into engines of economic growth and cross-regional integration. However, the prospects of infrastructure, trade, and connectivity are highly dependent on institutional pathways, which regional organizations could integrate and maintain among member states.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Institutional Pathways: Regional Organizations and the Future of Bay of Bengal Integration<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Institutional frameworks are critical, influencing the prospects for economic cooperation and political integration across the Bay of Bengal. Regional organizations such as SAARC, ASEAN, BIMSTEC, and the BCIM Economic Corridor lay important foundations for bilateral and multilateral dialogue, coordination, and connectivity between South Asia and Southeast Asia, including cooperation over transboundary natural resources such as freshwater among the interconnected basin states.<a href=\"#_edn57\" name=\"_ednref57\"><span>[57]<\/span><\/a> At the juncture of this institutional landscape, the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus stands in a pivotal position for potentially bridging these regional frameworks.<\/p>\n<p>SAARC has historically sought to encourage economic integration and regional development through initiatives like the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA).<a href=\"#_edn58\" name=\"_ednref58\"><span>[58]<\/span><\/a> ASEAN has succeeded in promoting regional cooperation through its consensus-based decision-making and non-interference principles. The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus has been noted as having potential for promoting economic cooperation and political integration across the broader Bay of Bengal region, due to Bangladesh\u2019s and Myanmar\u2019s membership and important roles in SAARC and ASEAN respectively. This potential could be further strengthened by confidence-building measures and incremental cooperation within the BIMSTEC and BCIM frameworks. The BCIM economic corridor represents a crucial mechanism for advancing connectivity through infrastructure and trade facilitation, highlighting the increasing importance of transnational economic corridors toward regional integration.<a href=\"#_edn59\" name=\"_ednref59\"><span>[59]<\/span><\/a> At the same time, BIMSTEC has been a key institutional platform for linking South Asia and Southeast Asia, aiming to promote cooperation across nations through trade, connectivity, energy, and maritime security.<a href=\"#_edn60\" name=\"_ednref60\"><span>[60]<\/span><\/a> For both Bangladesh and Myanmar, the BCIM and BIMSTEC offer important frameworks for enhancing bilateral cooperation and subsequently engaging in resolving issues between them.<\/p>\n<p>Initiatives like BCIM and BIMSTEC underline the potential for connectivity-driven development toward regional integration in the Bay of Bengal. However, progress for both has been slow, uneven, and constrained by geopolitical competition, security challenges, and institutional limitations. As discussed in earlier sections, competition and tensions emerging from regional great-power rivalry, the Rohingya crisis, and border security issues continue to limit the ability of Bangladesh and Myanmar to fully engage in cooperative initiatives. Overlapping regional organizations and differing institutional approaches often create fragmented regional architecture, thus affecting the effectiveness of collective action among member states.<\/p>\n<p>Nonetheless, the institutional pathways are key to the future of regional integration in the Bay of Bengal. Strengthening multilateral cooperation through institutional frameworks like BIMSTEC and BCIM could help member states work through existing barriers and pursue greater connectivity, following ASEAN\u2019s experience of gradual integration. For Bangladesh and Myanmar, bilateral engagement within these frameworks provides an opportunity to overcome constraints and make a significant contribution to broader regional integration.<\/p>\n<h4 style=\"line-height: 1.4; margin-bottom: -10px;\"><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"IV_Closing_Thoughts\"><\/span><strong>IV. Closing Thoughts<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>This study has examined geopolitics and regional integration in the Bay of Bengal through the lens of the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar relationship\u2014a bilateral nexus that is strategically significant in theory and persistently underdeveloped in practice. Our analysis suggests that the explanation for this gap is not primarily geographic or economic but political and structural.<\/p>\n<p>Bangladesh and Myanmar share natural advantages: complementary port infrastructure, a shared maritime boundary whose 2012 ITLOS resolution removed a long-standing irritant, and positions astride the key connective tissue between South Asia and Southeast Asia. These advantages have not been idle\u2014both countries have attracted substantial investment through China\u2019s Belt and Road Initiative and India\u2019s Act East Policy. But this investment has largely served the strategic interests of external powers rather than deepening bilateral ties between Bangladesh and Myanmar themselves. Great-power competition, in this case, has produced infrastructure without integration.<\/p>\n<p>The Rohingya refugee crisis remains the most consequential impediment. With over a million displaced persons in Bangladesh, no viable repatriation framework in place, and Myanmar\u2019s Rakhine State now embedded in active conflict, the humanitarian emergency has become structurally chronic. It forecloses the bilateral confidence-building that any deeper cooperation would require. Myanmar\u2019s 2021 military takeover and the civil war that has followed compound this problem by removing a coherent interlocutor on the Myanmar side and deepening the country\u2019s international isolation.<\/p>\n<p>Regional institutional frameworks\u2014especially BIMSTEC\u2014offer the most plausible pathway forward, precisely because they provide multilateral contexts in which bilateral friction can be partially managed. The BCIM Economic Corridor, by contrast, must be assessed realistically: with India disengaged and China pursuing the bilateral CMEC, the BCIM\u2019s transformative potential has substantially diminished. Policymakers and scholars who treat it as a live mechanism should proceed with caution.<\/p>\n<p>The broader implication is that regional integration in the Bay of Bengal cannot be driven by geographic logic or infrastructure investment alone. It requires political conditions\u2014minimally, a reduction in the Rohingya impasse and some stabilization of Myanmar\u2019s domestic situation\u2014that are currently absent. Until those conditions improve, the Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar nexus will remain more a geographic fact than a geopolitical force. Future research would benefit from longitudinal assessment of BIMSTEC\u2019s effectiveness under these constraints, and from closer examination of how sub-state actors\u2014border communities, port operators, civil society organizations\u2014sustain functional cross-border relationships even when interstate politics stall.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Notes\"><\/span><strong>Notes<\/strong><span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h4>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref1\" name=\"_edn1\"><span>[1]<\/span><\/a> Sunil S. Amrith, <em>Crossing the Bay of Bengal: The Furies of Nature and the Fortunes of Migrants<\/em> (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013); David Brewster, <em>India\u2019s Ocean: The Story of India\u2019s Bid for Regional Leadership <\/em>(London: Routledge, 2014).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref2\" name=\"_edn2\"><span>[2]<\/span><\/a> Willem van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance: Jumping Scale in Southeast Asia,\u201d <em>Environment and Planning D: Society and Space<\/em> 20, no. 6 (2002): 647-668.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref3\" name=\"_edn3\"><span>[3]<\/span><\/a> Pratnashree Basu and Oishee Majumdar, \u201cThe Bay of Bengal and the Politics of Strategic Geographies,\u201d in\u00a0<em>Contiguity, Connectivity and Access<\/em>\u00a0(Routledge, 2022): 159\u2013173; J\u00fcrgen Haacke, <em>Myanmar\u2019s Foreign Policy: Domestic Influences and International Implications<\/em> (London: Routledge, 2006); Mohd Aminul Karim and Faria Islam, \u201cBangladesh\u2013China\u2013India\u2013Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor: Challenges and Prospects,\u201d <em>The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis<\/em> 30, no. 2 (2018): 283\u2013302.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref4\" name=\"_edn4\"><span>[4]<\/span><\/a> Brewster, <em>India\u2019s Ocean<\/em>; Kishore C. Dash, <em>Regionalism in South Asia: Negotiating Cooperation, Institutional Structures<\/em> (London: Routledge, 2008); Syeda Naushin Parnini, \u201cThe Crisis of the Rohingya as a Muslim Minority in Myanmar and Bilateral Relations with Bangladesh,\u201d <em>Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs<\/em> 33, no. 2 (2013): 281\u2013297; Sonia Farhan Rahman, \u201cBangladesh-Mayanmar Bilateral Relations and Regional Implications\u201d (PhD diss., University of Dhaka, 2024).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref5\" name=\"_edn5\"><span>[5]<\/span><\/a> Dash, <em>Regionalism in South Asia<\/em>; Amitav Acharya, <em>The End of American World Order<\/em>, vol. 158 (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref6\" name=\"_edn6\"><span>[6]<\/span><\/a> Amitav Acharya, <em>Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order<\/em> (London: Routledge, 2009); Kripa Sridharan, <em>Regional Cooperation in South Asia and Southeast Asia<\/em> (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref7\" name=\"_edn7\"><span>[7]<\/span><\/a> Dash, <em>Regionalism in South Asia<\/em>; Acharya, <em>Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia<\/em>; Smruti S. Pattanaik, \u201cSAARC at Twenty-Five: An Incredible Idea Still in Its Infancy,\u201d <em>Strategic Analysis<\/em> 34, no. 5 (2010): 671\u2013677.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref8\" name=\"_edn8\"><span>[8]<\/span><\/a> S. Jobayear Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries: Unlocking the Entrepreneurial Potentials,\u201d <em>Journal of Global Economy, Trade and International Business<\/em> 5, no. 1 (2025): 15\u201351; Swaran Singh, \u201cMekong-Ganga Cooperation: Interests, Initiatives, and Influence,\u201d <em>Asia Policy<\/em> 17, no. 2 (2022): 43-49.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref9\" name=\"_edn9\"><span>[9]<\/span><\/a> Nadia Islam, \u201cUnderstanding Bangladesh\u2019s Historical Perspectives through the 2017 Rohingya Crisis\u201d (Master\u2019s thesis, Harvard University Division of Continuing Education, 2024); Amitendu Palit, \u201cBIMSTEC: Bridging South and Southeast Asia,\u201d <em>Asian Economic Papers<\/em> (2021).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref10\" name=\"_edn10\"><span>[10]<\/span><\/a> Akkas Ahamed, Mohammad Alam Chowdhury, and Md Sayedur Rahman, \u201cBangladesh-Myanmar Border Relations: A Study of Some Geopolitical and Economic Issues,\u201d <em>European Scientific Journal<\/em> 16, no. 22 (2020): 320; Constantino Xavier and Amitendu Palit, eds., <em>Connectivity and Cooperation in the Bay of Bengal Region<\/em>, BBC Report (New Delhi: Centre for Social and Economic Progress, 2023); Ali Riaz and Mohammad Sajjadur Rahman, eds., <em>Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Economic Relations and Regional Cooperation<\/em> (London: Routledge, 2016).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref11\" name=\"_edn11\"><span>[11]<\/span><\/a> Karim and Islam, \u201cBangladesh\u2013China\u2013India\u2013Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor,\u201d 283\u2013302; Mamat Rahmatullah, <em>BCIM Connectivity: Areas to Be Focused<\/em> (Kolkata: BCIM Forum, 2012).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref12\" name=\"_edn12\"><span>[12]<\/span><\/a> Tansen Sen, \u201cMaritime Southeast Asia between South Asia and China to the Sixteenth Century,\u201d <em>TRaNS: Trans-Regional and-National Studies of Southeast Asia<\/em> 2, no. 1 (2014): 31-59.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref13\" name=\"_edn13\"><span>[13]<\/span><\/a> Karim and Islam, \u201cBangladesh\u2013China\u2013India\u2013Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor,\u201d 283\u2013302; Rahmatullah, <em>BCIM Connectivity: Areas to Be Focused<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref14\" name=\"_edn14\"><span>[14]<\/span><\/a> Karim and Islam, \u201cBangladesh\u2013China\u2013India\u2013Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor,\u201d 283\u2013302; Md Selimul Hoque and Akkas Ahamed, \u201cBangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM)\u2013Economic Corridor: An Opportunity for Regional Connectivity and Development Cooperation in South and Southeast Asia,\u201d <em>Muallim Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities<\/em> 8 (2024): 1-12.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref15\" name=\"_edn15\"><span>[15]<\/span><\/a> Hector Florento and Maria Isabela Corpuz, <em>Myanmar: The Key Link Between South Asia and Southeast Asia<\/em>, ADBI Working Paper No. 506 (Tokyo: Asian Development Bank Institute, 2014); Youngmi Kim, \u201cMandalay, Myanmar: The Remaking of a South-East Asian Hub in a Country at the Crossroads,\u201d <em>Cities<\/em> 72 (2018): 274\u2013286.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref16\" name=\"_edn16\"><span>[16]<\/span><\/a> Amitav Acharya, <em>ASEAN and Regional Order: Revisiting Security Community in Southeast Asia<\/em> (London: Routledge, 2021); Mst. Sahiba Mahbub, \u201cRegional Trade and Economic Integration in South Asian Political Economy Perspective: Implications for Southeast Asia,\u201d <em>Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal<\/em> 25, no. 3 (2025): 188-205; Mya Than, <em>Myanmar in ASEAN: Regional Cooperation Experience<\/em>, vol. 242 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2005).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref17\" name=\"_edn17\"><span>[17]<\/span><\/a> Abu Mohammad Siddique Alam, \u201cBangladesh Myanmar Interplay Prosperity: Prospects &amp; Challenges,\u201d <em>Foreign Policy of Myanmar<\/em> 35 (2017).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref18\" name=\"_edn18\"><span>[18]<\/span><\/a> Michael J. Akester, \u201cProductivity and Coastal Fisheries Biomass Yields of the Northeast Coastal Waters of the Bay of Bengal Large Marine Ecosystem,\u201d <em>Deep Sea Research Part II: Topical Studies in Oceanography<\/em> 163 (2019): 46-56; Mohammad Mojibul Hoque Mozumder and Md. Mostafa Shamsuzzaman, \u201cCoastal Ecosystems Services in the Bay of Bengal and Efforts to Improve Their Management,\u201d <em>Indian Journal of Marine Sciences<\/em> 47, no. 11 (2018): 2287-2295.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref19\" name=\"_edn19\"><span>[19]<\/span><\/a> Pardeep Kumar and Vikramjit Singh, \u201cIndia\u2013Myanmar Relations\u2014An Overview,\u201d <em>Journal of Global Research and Analysis<\/em>, no. 2 (2014): 196\u2013203.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref20\" name=\"_edn20\"><span>[20]<\/span><\/a> Brewster, <em>India\u2019s Ocean<\/em>; C. Raja Mohan, <em>Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific<\/em> (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2012).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref21\" name=\"_edn21\"><span>[21]<\/span><\/a> van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance,\u201d 647-668.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref22\" name=\"_edn22\"><span>[22]<\/span><\/a> van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance,\u201d 647-668.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref23\" name=\"_edn23\"><span>[23]<\/span><\/a> van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance,\u201d 647-668; Kongpetch Kulsudjarit, \u201cDrug Problem in Southeast and Southwest Asia,\u201d <em>Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences<\/em> 1025, no. 1 (2004): 446\u2013457.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref24\" name=\"_edn24\"><span>[24]<\/span><\/a> Parnini, \u201cThe Crisis of the Rohingya as a Muslim Minority,\u201d 281\u2013297; Utpala Rahman, \u201cThe Rohingya Refugee: A Security Dilemma for Bangladesh,\u201d <em>Journal of Immigrant &amp; Refugee Studies<\/em> 8, no. 2 (2010): 233\u2013239; Islam, \u201cUnderstanding Bangladesh\u2019s Historical Perspectives.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref25\" name=\"_edn25\"><span>[25]<\/span><\/a> Ibrahim Azeem, <em>Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar\u2019s Hidden Genocide<\/em> (New Delhi: Speaking Tiger Publishing Pvt. Limited, 2017); Ronan Lee, <em>Myanmar\u2019s Rohingya Genocide: Identity, History and Hate Speech<\/em> (London: I.B. Tauris, 2020); Jacques Leider, \u201cRohingya: The History of a Muslim Identity in Myanmar,\u201d in <em>Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History<\/em> (Oxford University Press, 2018).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref26\" name=\"_edn26\"><span>[26]<\/span><\/a> Clara Mang Sui Tang, \u201cEvaluating Interdependence: The Impacts of the February 2021 Coup on Myanmar\u2013China Relations,\u201d <em>Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs<\/em> 44, no. 3 (2025): 486-514; Lailufar Yasmin, \u201cIndia and China in South Asia: Bangladesh\u2019s Opportunities and Challenges,\u201d <em>Millennial Asia<\/em> 10, no. 3 (2019): 322-336; Lailufar Yasmin, \u201cForeign Policy of Bangladesh: From Chrysalis of a State to an Emerging Middle Power,\u201d <em>Journal of International Relations<\/em> 15, no. 1\u20132 (2022): 23-53.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref27\" name=\"_edn27\"><span>[27]<\/span><\/a> Andrew Selth, \u201cBurma and the Strategic Competition Between China and India,\u201d <em>The Journal of Strategic Studies<\/em> 19, no. 2 (1996): 213-230; Kawser Ahmed, \u201cRethinking Humanitarian Diplomacy for Myanmar\u2019s Rohingya Crisis Resolution: A Critical Analysis,\u201d <em>Journal of Peacebuilding &amp; Development<\/em> (2025): 1-25.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref28\" name=\"_edn28\"><span>[28]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Md. Mostafizur Rahman, \u201cRohingya Crisis, Trans-Boundary and Geopolitics: Prospects and Aspects of Bangladesh,\u201d <em>Indiana Journal of Arts &amp; Literature<\/em> 2, no. 8 (2021): 43-47.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref29\" name=\"_edn29\"><span>[29]<\/span><\/a> Yasmin, \u201cIndia and China in South Asia,\u201d 322-336; Yasmin, \u201cForeign Policy of Bangladesh,\u201d 23-53; Love Trivedi and G. Lakshmipriya, \u201cThe Brahmaputra: A Socio-Political Conundrum,\u201d arXiv preprint, submitted September 5, 2022, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.48550\/arXiv.2209.02065<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref30\" name=\"_edn30\"><span>[30]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Mandeep Singh Rai, \u201cRevisiting QUAD Ambition in the Indo Pacific Leveraging Space and Cyber Domain,\u201d arXiv preprint, submitted September 10, 2022, https:\/\/doi.org\/10.48550\/arXiv.2209.04609<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref31\" name=\"_edn31\"><span>[31]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Ahamed, Chowdhury, and Rahman, \u201cBangladesh-Myanmar Border Relations,\u201d 320.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref32\" name=\"_edn32\"><span>[32]<\/span><\/a> Amrith, <em>Crossing the Bay of Bengal<\/em>; Brewster, <em>India\u2019s Ocean<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref33\" name=\"_edn33\"><span>[33]<\/span><\/a> Md. Bazlar Rashid, Md. Ahosan Habib, Arif Mahmud, Md. Kamrul Ahsan, Md. Hossain Khasru, Md. Ashraf Hossain, Aktarul Ahsan, Kazi Munsura Akther, and Shawon Talukder, \u201cTectonic Setting, Provenance, Depositional, and Paleo-Climatic Conditions of the Late Quaternary Subcrop Sediments of the Southeastern Coastal Region of the Bengal Basin,\u201d <em>Heliyon<\/em> 9, no. 1 (2023): 1-16.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref34\" name=\"_edn34\"><span>[34]<\/span><\/a> Lowell Bautista, \u201cDispute Settlement in the Law of the Sea Convention and Territorial and Maritime Disputes in Southeast Asia: Issues, Opportunities, and Challenges,\u201d <em>Asian Politics &amp; Policy<\/em> 6, no. 3 (2014): 375-396.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref35\" name=\"_edn35\"><span>[35]<\/span><\/a> Keiko Hakata and Brendon J. Cannon, \u201cThe Indo-Pacific as an Emerging Geography of Strategies,\u201d in <em>Indo-Pacific Strategies<\/em>, ed. Brendon J. Cannon and Keiko Hakata (London: Routledge, 2022); David Scott, \u201cThe Indo-Pacific in US Strategy: Responding to Power Shifts,\u201d <em>Rising Powers Quarterly<\/em> 2, no. 2 (2018): 19-43; Rong Wang, \u201cCompetition and Cooperation Between Great Powers Over the Bay of Bengal,\u201d in <em>Annual Report on the Development of International Relations in the Indian Ocean Region (2014)<\/em> (Berlin: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref36\" name=\"_edn36\"><span>[36]<\/span><\/a> Mohan, <em>Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry<\/em>; Wang, \u201cCompetition and Cooperation Between Great Powers.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref37\" name=\"_edn37\"><span>[37]<\/span><\/a> Hakata and Cannon, \u201cThe Indo-Pacific as an Emerging Geography of Strategies\u201d; Scott, \u201cThe Indo-Pacific in US Strategy,\u201d 19-43.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref38\" name=\"_edn38\"><span>[38]<\/span><\/a> Brewster, <em>India\u2019s Ocean<\/em>; Kumar and Singh, \u201cIndia\u2013Myanmar Relations\u2014An Overview,\u201d 196\u2013203; Scott, \u201cThe Indo-Pacific in US Strategy,\u201d 19-43.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref39\" name=\"_edn39\"><span>[39]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Yasmin, \u201cIndia and China in South Asia,\u201d 322-336; Yasmin, \u201cForeign Policy of Bangladesh,\u201d 23-53.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref40\" name=\"_edn40\"><span>[40]<\/span><\/a> The balancing approach offers Bangladesh the opportunity to leverage external partnerships for economic development and avoid overdependence on any single actor, either China or India. For details, see Yasmin, \u201cIndia and China in South Asia,\u201d 322-336.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref41\" name=\"_edn41\"><span>[41]<\/span><\/a> Historically and strategically, Myanmar has been more aligned with China, especially during periods of international isolation. For details, see Lee, <em>Myanmar\u2019s Rohingya Genocide<\/em>; Haacke, <em>Myanmar\u2019s Foreign Policy<\/em>; Yasmin, \u201cIndia and China in South Asia,\u201d 322-336.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref42\" name=\"_edn42\"><span>[42]<\/span><\/a> Azeem, <em>Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar\u2019s Hidden Genocide<\/em>; Leider, \u201cRohingya: The History of a Muslim Identity in Myanmar.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref43\" name=\"_edn43\"><span>[43]<\/span><\/a> Kei Nemoto, \u201cThe Rohingya Issue: A Thorny Obstacle Between Burma (Myanmar) and Bangladesh,\u201d <em>Journal of Burma Studies<\/em> 5 (2005): 19.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref44\" name=\"_edn44\"><span>[44]<\/span><\/a> Parnini, \u201cThe Crisis of the Rohingya as a Muslim Minority,\u201d 281\u2013297; Nemoto, \u201cThe Rohingya Issue: A Thorny Obstacle,\u201d 19.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref45\" name=\"_edn45\"><span>[45]<\/span><\/a> Abdul Halim, \u201cThe Rohingyas of Rakhine State: Social Evolution and History in the Light of Ethnic Nationalism,\u201d <em>Social Evolution &amp; History<\/em> 19, no. 2 (2020): 115-144.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref46\" name=\"_edn46\"><span>[46]<\/span><\/a> Abdullah Hossain Mallick, \u201cRohingya Refugee Repatriation from Bangladesh: A Far Cry from Reality,\u201d <em>Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs<\/em> 7, no. 2 (2020): 202-226.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref47\" name=\"_edn47\"><span>[47]<\/span><\/a> van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance,\u201d 647-668.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref48\" name=\"_edn48\"><span>[48]<\/span><\/a> van Schendel, \u201cGeographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance,\u201d 647-668; Kulsudjarit, \u201cDrug Problem in Southeast and Southwest Asia,\u201d 446\u2013457.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref49\" name=\"_edn49\"><span>[49]<\/span><\/a> Sanjib Baruah, <em>Durable Disorder: Understanding the Politics of Northeast India<\/em> (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007); Amena Mohsin, <em>The Politics of Nationalism: The Case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh<\/em>\u00a0(Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1997).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref50\" name=\"_edn50\"><span>[50]<\/span><\/a> Lee, <em>Myanmar\u2019s Rohingya Genocide<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref51\" name=\"_edn51\"><span>[51]<\/span><\/a> Riaz and Rahman, eds., <em>Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Economic Relations<\/em>; M. Rasheed, \u201cTrade Relations Between Bangladesh and Myanmar,\u201d <em>Journal of Asian Economics<\/em> 11, no. 1 (2000).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref52\" name=\"_edn52\"><span>[52]<\/span><\/a> Rahmatullah, <em>BCIM Connectivity: Areas to Be Focused<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref53\" name=\"_edn53\"><span>[53]<\/span><\/a> Ahamed, Chowdhury, and Rahman, \u201cBangladesh-Myanmar Border Relations,\u201d 320; Hoque and Ahamed, \u201cBangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM)\u2013Economic Corridor,\u201d 1-12.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref54\" name=\"_edn54\"><span>[54]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Singh, \u201cMekong-Ganga Cooperation,\u201d 43-49.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref55\" name=\"_edn55\"><span>[55]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Palit, \u201cBIMSTEC: Bridging South and Southeast Asia.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref56\" name=\"_edn56\"><span>[56]<\/span><\/a> Bautista, \u201cDispute Settlement in the Law of the Sea Convention,\u201d 375-396.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref57\" name=\"_edn57\"><span>[57]<\/span><\/a> Mohammad Aynal Haque, \u201cAccess to Freshwater and Bilateral Relationships among Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna (GBM) Basin States,\u201d <em>Journal of International Relations and Policy<\/em> 7, no. 1 (2026): 1-17.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref58\" name=\"_edn58\"><span>[58]<\/span><\/a> Dash, <em>Regionalism in South Asia<\/em>; SAARC Secretariat, <em>SAARC: An Overview of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation<\/em> (Kathmandu: SAARC Secretariat, 2011).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref59\" name=\"_edn59\"><span>[59]<\/span><\/a> Rahmatullah, <em>BCIM Connectivity: Areas to Be Focused<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref60\" name=\"_edn60\"><span>[60]<\/span><\/a> Ahmed, \u201cBIMSTEC Countries,\u201d 15\u201351; Palit, \u201cBIMSTEC: Bridging South and Southeast Asia.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=&#8221;1_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_image src=&#8221;https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/05\/Book-Cover-6-x-9-in-1.png&#8221; title_text=&#8221;Book Cover (6 x 9 in) (1)&#8221; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][\/et_pb_image][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=&#8221;2_3,1_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;2_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][\/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=&#8221;1_3&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;4.27.4&#8243; _module_preset=&#8221;default&#8221; global_colors_info=&#8221;{}&#8221;][\/et_pb_column][\/et_pb_row][\/et_pb_section]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Geopolitics and Regional Integration in the Bay of Bengal: The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Nexus  <div class=\"addtoany_shortcode\"><div class=\"a2a_kit a2a_kit_size_32 addtoany_list\" data-a2a-url=\"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/geopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus\/\" data-a2a-title=\"Geopolitics and Regional Integration in the Bay of Bengal: The Bangladesh\u2013Myanmar Nexus\"><a class=\"a2a_button_facebook\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/add_to\/facebook?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.journal.hji.edu%2F0723NewLayout%2Fgeopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus%2F&amp;linkname=Geopolitics%20and%20Regional%20Integration%20in%20the%20Bay%20of%20Bengal%3A%20The%20Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar%20Nexus\" title=\"Facebook\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a class=\"a2a_button_x\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/add_to\/x?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.journal.hji.edu%2F0723NewLayout%2Fgeopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus%2F&amp;linkname=Geopolitics%20and%20Regional%20Integration%20in%20the%20Bay%20of%20Bengal%3A%20The%20Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar%20Nexus\" title=\"X\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a class=\"a2a_button_whatsapp\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/add_to\/whatsapp?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.journal.hji.edu%2F0723NewLayout%2Fgeopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus%2F&amp;linkname=Geopolitics%20and%20Regional%20Integration%20in%20the%20Bay%20of%20Bengal%3A%20The%20Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar%20Nexus\" title=\"WhatsApp\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a class=\"a2a_button_reddit\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/add_to\/reddit?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.journal.hji.edu%2F0723NewLayout%2Fgeopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus%2F&amp;linkname=Geopolitics%20and%20Regional%20Integration%20in%20the%20Bay%20of%20Bengal%3A%20The%20Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar%20Nexus\" title=\"Reddit\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a class=\"a2a_button_google_gmail\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/add_to\/google_gmail?linkurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.journal.hji.edu%2F0723NewLayout%2Fgeopolitics-and-regional-integration-in-the-bay-of-bengal-the-bangladesh-myanmar-nexus%2F&amp;linkname=Geopolitics%20and%20Regional%20Integration%20in%20the%20Bay%20of%20Bengal%3A%20The%20Bangladesh%E2%80%93Myanmar%20Nexus\" title=\"Gmail\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a class=\"a2a_dd addtoany_share_save addtoany_share\" href=\"https:\/\/www.addtoany.com\/share\"><\/a><\/div><\/div> Google Scholar PDF <div class=\"post-views content-post post-1855 entry-meta load-static\">\r\n\t\t\t\t<span class=\"post-views-icon dashicons dashicons-chart-bar\"><\/span> <span class=\"post-views-label\">Post Views:<\/span> <span class=\"post-views-count\">214<\/span>\r\n\t\t\t<\/div> Open Access | First published online June 2026 | ISSN: 3066-8336 | https:\/\/doi.org\/10.63470\/AIPW1355 Mohammad Aynal Haque Assistant Professor, Department of Interdisciplinary Arts &amp; Sciences, Montana Technological University Abstract This study examines how geopolitical competition, security [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","footnotes":""},"folder":[],"class_list":["post-1855","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1855","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1855"}],"version-history":[{"count":12,"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1855\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2106,"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1855\/revisions\/2106"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1855"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"folder","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.journal.hji.edu\/0723NewLayout\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/folder?post=1855"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}